My Trump-supporting friends celebrate the president-elect’s broad mandate to “Make America Great Again.” They are confident he will successfully resolve a super-sized list of domestic and international problems inherited from the Biden-Harris administration, which, according to Trump, is responsible for “a nation in decline, a failing nation.”
Not so fast.
While Trump voters brag about his decisive 312 to 226 Electoral College victory over Vice President Harris, they conveniently ignore that he won the national popular vote by only a slim margin of 1.5 percentage points. This is a reality check for his touted “mandate,” especially since Republican control of the House of Representatives is razor-thin.
I write as a former Republican who wants Trump to succeed for the good of the nation. But like millions of Americans, I was disturbed by the Trump-Harris choice and did not vote for either. In the long term, my concern is irreversible national decline, and here are five reasons I fear it will accelerate when “Trump 47” governs like no president in American history.
First, “Trump versus the Constitution” will likely be a continuous fight. In his first term, Trump was twice impeached but not convicted. In his second term, Trump’s bravado-filled “dare-me” attitude could again result in a grievous assault on the Constitution to achieve his political agenda, facilitated by the Supreme Court’s controversial ruling on presidential immunity.
Ironically, the court’s landmark decision, wherein a very wide range of acts by presidents are considered “official,” was issued three days before the nation celebrated the Founders’ July 4, 1776, Declaration of Independence from an oppressive British crown.
Trump 47 is constitutionally limited to one term and thus incentivized to break traditional norms and laws. He could bust through established guardrails without pushback from the co-equal legislative and judicial branches meant to stop presidential power grabs.
The first Trump norm-busting act could be installing some of his more controversial Cabinet officials through Senate recess appointments — testing the limits of his constitutional authority.
Second, Trump 47 is saddled with more multi-layered business conflicts of interest than Trump 45. Worse, he has not promised to divest or withdraw from any of his companies or partnerships that could generate millions or even billions in profits from his administration’s policy decisions.
For example, Trump will be the first president to own a controlling stake (nearly 57 percent) in a publicly traded company — Trump Media & Technology Group — symbol DJT. The company presents an unusual opportunity for investors, including foreigners. They can support Trump by pumping the stock’s value and growing Truth Social into a more powerful, robust media platform and presidential communication tool for official announcements, personal spin and misinformation.
Equally advantageous is Trump’s family stake in World Liberty Financial. Announced in September, this crypto platform is well-timed for investment, with Trump promising to be the nation’s first crypto-friendly president. Priming the pump, crypto-industry PACS donated $131 million to elect Trump and dozens of pro-crypto lawmakers.
Additionally, Trump’s traditional hotel, condo and golf projects with foreign governments, especially Saudi Arabia, should be scrutinized when international dealings could favor Trump’s holdings.
Then there is the world’s richest man, Elon Musk, arguably Trump’s most influential adviser, supporter, largest donor, crypto-investor, and now government efficiency chairman. Musk has Herculean conflicts of interest. Over the last decade, just two of Musk’s companies, Tesla and Space X, were awarded at least $15.4 billion in government contracts. Musk and Trump’s mutually beneficial relationship will surely make headlines.
A more comical conflict of interest will be evident if Trump continues to personally promote Trump watches, gold sneakers, coins and Bibles after taking office.
Third, Trump’s rule is based on fear, and steadfast loyalty determines access and influence. The latter is a primary qualification for employment, especially if the nominee is an “America First Fighter” or “MAGA warrior” who insists the 2020 election was “rigged.”
At the Pentagon, Trump’s “purge plan” is to institute loyalty tests for generals and within promotion boards. Symbolically, it means red MAGA caps will be uniform headgear. In the military, fostering loyalty to the president rather than the Constitution is a troubling trend that weakens the armed forces and should alarm all Americans.
As usual, Trump is threatening to primary elected leaders who vote against his wishes. He enjoys intimidating the legacy media and denigrating anyone who blocks his agenda on Truth Social and allied media platforms, most notably Elon Musk’s “X,” Steve Bannon’s “War Room,” Tucker Carlson’s and Joe Rogan’s podcasts.
Then, traditionally, on Fox News and Newsmax, Trump surrogates swing into action when someone either needs to be chastised or promoted.
Fourth, Trump believes he was elected in part to “destroy the deep state.” Let’s call this a hostile takeover of government. It means reducing or replacing the permanent bureaucracy of career civil servants who run the day-to-day federal government and provide continuity. Trump firmly believes they are not loyal to him and lax in enforcing his agenda. If Trump’s plan is implemented through “Schedule F,” thousands of senior civil service positions could shift to “loyal” political appointees.
Trump also aims to enlarge the executive branch’s power and “pro-Trump proof” all levels of government to prevent unethical actions from surfacing. Thus, Trump is expected to fire numerous government inspector general watchdogs who independently investigate agency wrongdoing.
Fifth, Trump enters office with a uniquely macho, “fight-fight-fight” presidential attitude of revenge and retribution against anyone perceived as anti-Trump. He could unleash the federal government’s power through the IRS and by denying or offering security clearances, contracts, mergers, communications licenses, etc. — rewarding friends and punishing those not in lockstep.
Ultimately, will Americans care if President Trump bends or tramples the Constitution and rules more like an authoritarian? Maybe not, if his aggressive social and economic policies are “making America great again” with low inflation and interest rates. Will voters applaud Trump’s iron hand if he ends the immigration crisis and is credited with making the world more peaceful?
Expect Trump to govern like no president in American history, breaking whatever can be broken to fulfill his “mandate.” If successful, he will forever change the government, military, the executive branch, the nation and even the world.
Myra Adams is an opinion writer who served on the creative team of two Republican presidential campaigns in 2004 and 2008.
