One remarkable thing about Donald Trump’s acquisition of power is that he doesn’t hide his plans to misuse it. He openly intends to turn justice on its head, abuse the power of the presidency, and subvert the values of a civilized society.
A second remarkable thing is that Americans elected him to the nation’s most powerful office anyway. The result may be a nation where political violence is even more common. Since entering the political arena nearly 10 years ago, Trump has created a permission structure for political retribution, and it’s having an unfortunate effect.
During a Dec. 8 interview, Trump affirmed that he plans to pardon the rioters convicted of attacking Congress in January 2021. He also says six members of Congress and special prosecutor Jack Smith should be jailed for investigating his role in inciting them to overturn the election result.
So Trump wants to free lawbreakers and fill the cells with law-keepers. That brings up a third remarkable thing: his claim, several times as president and as a candidate, that he’s a “law and order president.”
“We must maintain law and order at the highest level, or we will cease to have a country, 100 percent,” Trump said in a 2016 speech where he praised police officers. “I am the law and order candidate.” That was before he was convicted of 34 felonies and indicted on scores more, then used legal maneuvers and reelection to escape trial or punishment for any of them.
But back to the first thing. As NPR reported, “During the 2024 presidential campaign, Donald Trump made more than 100 threats to investigate, prosecute, imprison or otherwise punish his perceived enemies, including political opponents and private citizens.”
From a legal standpoint, his threats appear hollow because there’s no indication the people on his enemies list committed any crimes. But sham investigations by a weaponized FBI and Justice Department would cast shadows over their lives. And under the law, Trump can slander and defame his perceived enemies with relative impunity.
Political scientists and historians will continue analyzing Trump’s influence on society’s views toward violence, but the circumstantial evidence is damning.
A study published in July 2022 found that half of Americans agreed there would be a civil war in the U.S. in the next few years. One in five thought political violence could be justified, 12 percent were willing to threaten or intimidate another person for political reasons, one in 10 were willing to injure another person, 7 percent were willing to kill over political disagreements, and 4 percent thought it was “somewhat likely that ‘I will shoot someone with a gun.'” Four percent sounds low, unless you’re in a room with 100 people and four are homicidal.
The study’s authors concluded, “Coupled with prior research, these findings suggest a continuing alienation from and mistrust of American democratic society and its institutions. Substantial minorities of the population endorse violence, including lethal violence, to obtain political objectives.”
In 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center counted a record 1,020 hate groups in the United States, “as President Trump continued to fan the flames of white resentment over immigration and the country’s changing demographics.” It was the fourth consecutive year in which the number had grown, “coinciding with Trump’s campaign and presidency.”
Last year, the same organization identified 79 extremist groups and 1,430 hate and antigovernment groups in the U.S. The New Tolerance Campaign, which describes itself as a “watchdog organization mobilizing Americans to confront intolerance,” listed 233 organizations it defined as left-wing extremists.
The Anti-Defamation League observes, “in the leadup to and aftermath of January 6, more and more elected officials glorified and even encouraged violence against their political opponents. Paired with the increasing use of dehumanizing language targeting people on the other side of the aisle, politicians continue to create a sense of urgency that has contributed to surging threats and acts of political violence across the nation.”
Today, we live in a country where many Americans apparently consider a cold-blooded killer a hero for assassinating the CEO of UnitedHealthcare. When the company posted a commemoration on Facebook, it quickly drew more than 77,000 laughing emojis.
When a would-be assassin targeted him last July, Trump found that the unlawful behavior he encourages can be turned on him. But rather than using the incident to condemn political violence, the Trump campaign turned his defiant blood-lined face into a campaign meme. The company that owns Truth Social, Trump’s social media site, saw its stock rise 32 percent.
After the Secret Service foiled a second assassination plot, Bloomberg reported, “By portraying Trump as a fighter and survivor, his campaign hopes to capture Americans’ fractured attention and lay the blame for yet another assassination attempt on (Vice President Kamala) Harris and Democrats.”
However, after carefully documenting Trump’s violent rhetoric since 2015, The Bulwark concluded, “No American public figure has done more to normalize political violence.”
Now, with the federal government’s weapons again at his command and with his new appointees willing to use them, Trump promises his own version of political violence — the unjustified use of government powers to harass and threaten his perceived enemies. Buttressed by a U.S. Supreme Court ruling on presidential immunity and the loyalty of armed militant groups, he apparently assumes that no one, and no institution, will dare try to stop him.
Trump will act again as though the United States government exists to serve him and his grievances rather than to fulfill the Constitution’s promise of a nation blessed with justice and domestic tranquility. He makes no bones about it.
William S. Becker is executive director of the Presidential Climate Action Project and a former senior official at the U.S. Department of Energy.
